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T&T’s rebooting problem

By Lloyd Taylor

Conclusion of a discussion on the challenge of change in T&T. Part 1 appeared in the last Saturday Express.

“Below the surface of Trinidad’s political peace exists an antagonistic ethnic monster waiting its moment of opportunity to explode. The image of a politically stable and economically prosperous state however conceals powerful internal contradictions in the society. Many critical tensions prowl through the body politic threatening to throw the society into turmoil. Perhaps, the most salient of these tensions derives from the country’s multi-ethnic population.”

Professor of Public Policy, Ralph Premdas (UWI – Department of Government) 

We do need a point of departure that initiates the national conversation. That point can best be a statement that identifies afresh what is at the core of the disabilities affecting existence as a whole in Trinidad and Tobago. The statement must identify some core facets of human activity in general, and examine how we have performed them in the particular historical circumstances of T&T.

One useful starting point should be to answer the question: What it is about the decision-making processes at all levels (formal and informal) of the society that causes a reliance on an information base that is almost always poor in judgment, grossly under informed, devoid of cutting edge knowledge, oligarchic in participatory methods, chronically centralized, wasteful of time and material resources, unable to restrain excesses, low in output and productivity,  and  incapable of imposing sanctions for errant executive abuse in a civic and timely way?

 The political task is to find a way to develop and install a set of reforms that help people believe they can confidently rely on a decision-making process to deliver civil rights and freedoms, human rights, economic and social rights, and which gradually relegates the role of ethnic solidarity. 

In opposition to Prof Premdas, Trinidad and Tobago’s people have consistently demonstrated a willingness to back off from narrow ethnic alliances at milestone events in the political process over the last 58 years wherever the leadership threatened to promise a vision of a nobler, larger space in T&T and that treats  them as humans, and not as cattle that political leaders assume a proprietary entitlement to claim automatic allegiance and ownership.

So the challenge is also leadership, and a concomitant capacity among constituents to use their right to vote more effectively and to develop a routine capacity to check executive excess constantly. 

Where there is no vision the people will be blown by executive winds in any direction.

 I focus on decision-making because it is at the heart of the core activities that drive human progress or backwardness. We cannot afford not to fix it if we assume progress of the human spirit should abound in Trinidad and Tobago and the wider Caribbean. 

We need to agree on what constitutes human progress and what conditions promote it. It helps to know how stakeholder control on executive excess aids social advancement.

The need is to construct a new set of solidarity planks that focuses each human spirit and encourages a movement from the cocoon of race and ethnicity to a new, larger, secular social dispensation. That is the task Tapia House Movement set itself in the run-up to 1976 elections and why Lloyd Best led a campaign for a party of parties in 1981 to 1985.   Our failure to consummate that transformation is due to a failure of leadership and defects in national decision-making.  

Despite our parliamentary antecedents, in the Caribbean states are arrangements in which people have no exercisable stake in the decisions that affect their lives between elections. Therefore the primary internal contradiction is what leads to street protests and demonstrations at every moment of heightened crisis.  It is the existence of decision-making arrangements that relegates people to the status of stake-less stakeholders. 

That is the ticking time-bomb that a borrowed dysfunctional parliamentary system conceals.  That condition mothers a primary contradiction everywhere in the Caribbean and perpetuates the conditions that reinforce ethnic rivalry. 

 
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